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Lacking lawyers, justice is denied

Lacking lawyers, justice is denied

Don Bartletti / Los Angeles Times
Once an advocate of the California medical malpractice law, Dave Stewart, an anesthesiologist, now opposes it. His 72-year-old mother died after a double knee-replacement surgery last April, he and his sisters decided to sue. But no one would take the case, saying it wasn’t worth the money.
Attorneys often avoid medical malpractice suits because California limits ‘pain and suffering’ awards to $250,000.

By Daniel Costello, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
December 29, 2007
Dave Stewart’s 72-year-old mother went to Stanford University Medical Center for double knee-replacement surgery in April. Four days later, she was dead.

To Stewart, an anesthesiologist, it seemed a classic case of medical malpractice. After the operation, his mother developed sharp abdominal pain that she described as “10 on a scale of 1 to 10,” according to her medical records.

The hospital failed to diagnose the cause of her pain and continued to treat her with narcotics. Her vital signs became unstable and she was moved to the intensive care unit, but she died of complications from an untreated bowel obstruction. State regulators cited the hospital in the case this fall.

Stewart and his two sisters decided to sue, and they approached two dozen lawyers. One after another declined to take the case, always for the same reason: It wasn’t worth the money.

In 1975, California enacted legislation capping malpractice payments after an outcry from doctors and insurers that oversized awards and skyrocketing insurance rates were driving physicians out of the state.

The law limited the amount of money for “pain and suffering” — usually the physical and emotional stress caused from an injury — to $250,000. There is no limit on what patients can collect for loss of future wages or other expenses.

Over the years, it has been easy to quantify the effects of the law, known as the Medical Injury Compensation Reform Act, or MICRA. In the years since the law was enacted, malpractice premiums in California have risen by just a third of the national average, and doctors say the law now helps attract physicians to the state. Proponents also say it discourages frivolous lawsuits.

Thirty states have enacted similar legislation. Two Republican presidential candidates — Mitt Romney and Rudolph W. Giuliani — have recently endorsed the approach as a possible national model.

It’s been harder to tally the law’s costs. Critics say it is increasingly preventing victims and their families from getting their day in court, especially low-income workers, children and the elderly. Their reasoning: The cap on pain and suffering has never been raised nor tied to inflation.

Meanwhile, the costs of putting on trials are often paid by attorneys and continue to rise each year. That means those who rely mainly on pain and suffering awards — typically people who didn’t make much money at the time of their injury — are increasingly unattractive to lawyers.

Several states have set their malpractice caps considerably higher than California’s because of worries that they affected poorer patients the most. Some state courts have begun to examine the fairness of their malpractice laws, especially those not tied to inflation. California lawmakers have rarely reconsidered the state’s malpractice legislation.

Yet a Times analysis of state court records, physician payment data and insurer financial records suggests that the cap is increasingly preventing families such as the Stewarts from getting their day in court.

Among the findings:

* Court malpractice filings have fallen in eight of the 10 most populous counties in California that track such information. In Los Angeles, they’re down 48% since 2001 to their lowest per-capita level in nearly four decades. In Orange County, they fell 29% over the same period

* At Kaiser Permanente, where members must resolve malpractice claims in arbitration rather than court, claims have fallen almost 20% since 2001.

* The number of payments to victims and their families across the state was down 24% since 1991, according to a review of a federal government database of nearly half a million claims. Nationally, the decline over the same period was 10%.

* The malpractice earnings of California insurers has far outpaced national averages in recent years. According to financial reports, insurers in the state have paid out just 39 cents of every premium dollar since 1991. The national average was 63 cents.

Proponents of the law attribute the state’s recent decline in malpractice lawsuits to several reasons unrelated to its award cap, including a slight drop in overall personal injury cases nationwide and a possible decrease in medical errors in recent years.

Some states have seen larger per-capita declines in malpractice cases than California, after they enacted caps on medical malpractice awards.

A spokesman for Kaiser Permanente said its drop in malpractice filings was the result of a company program begun five years ago in which doctors apologized to patients for errors rather than wait to fight the accusations in court.

Home Insurers’ Secret Tactics Cheat Fire Victims, Hike Profits

Home Insurers’ Secret Tactics Cheat Fire Victims, Hike Profits

By David Dietz and Darrell Preston

Aug. 3 (Bloomberg) — Julie Tunnell remembers standing in her debris-strewn driveway when the tall man in blue jeans approached. Her northern San Diego tudor-style home had been incinerated a week earlier in the largest wildfire in California history. The blaze in October and November 2003 swept across an area 19 times the size of Manhattan, destroying 2,232 homes and killing 15 people.

Now came another blow. A representative of State Farm Mutual Automobile Insurance Co., the largest home insurer in the U.S., came to the charred remnants of Tunnell’s home to tell her the company would pay just $220,000 of the estimated $306,000 cost of rebuilding the house.

“It was devastating; I stood there and cried,” says Tunnell, 42, who teaches accounting at San Diego City College. “I felt absolutely abandoned.”

Tunnell joined thousands of people in the U.S. who already knew a secret about the insurance industry: When there’s a disaster, the companies homeowners count on to protect them from financial ruin routinely pay less than what policies promise.

Insurers often pay 30-60 percent of the cost of rebuilding a damaged home — even when carriers assure homeowners they’re fully covered, thousands of complaints with state insurance departments and civil court cases show.

Paying out less to victims of catastrophes has helped produce record profits. In the past 12 years, insurance company net income has soared — even in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, the worst natural disaster in U.S. history.

Highest-Ever Profits

Property-casualty insurers, which cover damage to homes and cars, reported their highest-ever profit of $73 billion last year, up 49 percent from $49 billion in 2005, according to Highline Data LLC, a Cambridge, Massachusetts-based firm that compiles insurance industry data.

The 60 million U.S. homeowners who pay more than $50 billion a year in insurance premiums are often disappointed when they discover insurers won’t pay the full cost of rebuilding their damaged or destroyed homes.

Property insurers systematically deny and reduce their policyholders’ claims, according to court records in California, Florida, Illinois, Mississippi, New Hampshire and Tennessee.

The insurance companies routinely refuse to pay market prices for homes and replacement contents, they use computer programs to cut payouts, they change policy coverage with no clear explanation, they ignore or alter engineering reports, and they sometimes ask their adjusters to lie to customers, court records and interviews with former employees and state regulators show.

`It’s Despicable’

As Mississippi Republican U.S. Senator Trent Lott and thousands of other homeowners have found, insurers make low offers — or refuse to pay at all — and then dare people to fight back.

“It’s despicable not to make good-faith offers to everybody,” says Robert Hunter, who was Texas insurance commissioner from 1993 to 1995 and is now insurance director at the Washington-based Consumer Federation of America.

“Money managers have taken over this whole industry,” Hunter says. “Their eyes are not on people who are hurt but on the bottom line for the next quarter.”

The industry’s drive for profit has overwhelmed its obligation to policyholders, says California Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi, a Democrat. As California’s insurance commissioner from 2002 to 2006, Garamendi imposed $18.4 million in fines against carriers for mistreating customers.

“There’s a fundamental economic conflict between the customer and the company,” he says. “That is, the company doesn’t want to pay. The first commandment of insurance is, `Thou shalt pay as little and as late as possible.”’

Allstate Hires Consultant

Although the tension between insurers and their customers has long existed, it was in the 1990s that the industry began systematically looking for ways to increase profits by streamlining claims handling.

Hurricane Hugo was a major catalyst. The 1989 storm, which battered North and South Carolina, left the industry reeling from $4.2 billion in claims.

In September 1992, Allstate Corp., the second-largest U.S. home insurer, sought advice on improved efficiency from McKinsey & Co., a New York-based consulting firm that has advised many of the world’s biggest corporations, according to records in at least six civil court cases.

State Farm, based in Bloomington, Illinois, and Los Angeles-based Farmers Group Inc., the third-largest home insurer in the U.S., also hired McKinsey as a consultant, court records show.

`Boxing Gloves’

McKinsey produced about 13,000 pages of documents, including PowerPoint slides, in the 1990s, for Northbrook, Illinois-based Allstate. The consulting firm developed methods for the company to become more profitable by paying out less in claims, according to videotaped evidence presented in Fayette Circuit Court in Lexington, Kentucky, in a civil case involving a 1997 car accident.

One slide McKinsey prepared for Allstate was entitled “Good Hands or Boxing Gloves,” the tape of the Kentucky court hearing shows. For 57 years, Allstate has advertised its employees as the “Good Hands People,” telling customers they will be well cared for in times of need.

The McKinsey slides had a new twist on that slogan.

When a policyholder files a claim, first make a low offer, McKinsey advised Allstate. If a client accepts the low amount, Allstate should treat the person with good hands, McKinsey said. If the customer protests or hires a lawyer, Allstate should fight back.

“If you don’t take the pittance they offer, they’re going to put on the boxing gloves and they’re going to batter injured victims,” plaintiffs attorney J. Dale Golden told Judge Thomas Clark at the May 12, 2005, hearing in which the lawyer introduced the McKinsey slides.

The Alligator

One McKinsey slide displayed at the Kentucky hearing featured an alligator with the caption “Sit and Wait.” The slide says Allstate can discourage claimants by delaying settlements and stalling court proceedings.

By postponing payments, insurance companies can hold money longer and make more on their investments — and often wear down clients to the point of dropping a challenge. “An alligator sits and waits,” Golden told the judge, as they looked at the slide describing a reptile.

McKinsey’s advice helped spark a turnaround in Allstate’s finances. The company’s profit rose 140 percent to $4.99 billion in 2006, up from $2.08 billion in 1996. Allstate lifted its income partly by paying less to its policyholders.

`Stars in Alignment’

Allstate spent 58 percent of its premium income in 2006 for claim payouts and the costs of the process compared with 79 percent in 1996, according to filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.

The payout expense, called a loss ratio, changes each year based on events such as natural disasters; overall, it’s been decreasing since Allstate hired McKinsey.

Investors have noticed. Allstate’s stock price jumped fourfold to $60.95 on July 11 from its closing price on June 3, 1993, the day of its initial public offering. During the same period, the Standard & Poor’s 500 Index rose threefold.

State Farm’s profits have doubled since 1996 to $4.8 billion in 2006. Because State Farm is a mutual company, meaning it’s owned by its policyholders, it doesn’t have shares that trade publicly.

“This is about as good a stretch as I’ve seen,” says Michael Chren, who manages $1.5 billion at Allegiant Asset Management Co. in Palm Beach Gardens, Florida, and has followed the property-casualty industry for 20 years.

The industry’s performance during the past five years has been superb, even with payouts for Katrina, he says. “All the stars have been in alignment,” he says. “There has been decent pricing of products and an extremely attractive and very low loss ratio.”

`More Audacious’

Reducing payouts is just one way the industry has improved profits.

Carriers have also raised premiums and withdrawn from storm-plagued areas such as the Gulf Coast of the U.S. and parts of Long Island, New York — to lower costs and increase income, says Amy Bach, executive director of United Policyholders, a San Francisco-based group that advises consumers on insurance claims.

“What this says is that the industry has been raking in spectacular profits while they’re getting more and more audacious in their tactics,” she says.

Allstate spokesman Michael Siemienas says the company won’t comment on what role McKinsey played in lowering the insurer’s loss ratio and boosting its profits. Allstate did change the way it handles homeowners’ insurance claims, he says.

`Absolutely Sound’

“In the early 1990s, Allstate redesigned its claims practices to more efficiently and effectively handle claims and better serve our customers,” he says.

“Allstate’s goal remains the same: to investigate, evaluate and promptly resolve each claim based on its merits,” Siemienas says. “Allstate believes its claim processes support this goal and are absolutely sound.”

McKinsey doesn’t discuss any of its work for clients, spokesman Mark Garrett says.

Jerry Choate, Allstate’s chief executive officer from 1995 to 1998, said at a news conference in New York in 1997 that the company’s new claims-handling process had reduced payments and increased profit, according to a report in a March 1997 edition of National Underwriter magazine.

Insurers can’t make significantly more money just from cutting sales costs, he told reporters. “The leverage is really on the claims side,” Choate said. “If you don’t win there, I don’t care what you do on the front end. You’re not going to win.”

The more cash insurers can keep from premiums, the more they can invest. This pool of assets — most of which the companies invest in government and corporate bonds — is known as float.

`Better Than Free’

“Simply put, float is money we hold that is not ours but which we get to invest,” billionaire Warren Buffett, CEO of Berkshire Hathaway Inc., wrote in his annual letter to shareholders this year. “When an insurer earns an underwriting profit, float is better than free,” he wrote in 2006.

Omaha, Nebraska-based Berkshire Hathaway generated 51 percent of its $11 billion profit in 2006 from insurance.

Claims payouts for the entire property-casualty industry have decreased in the past decade. In 2006, carriers paid out 55 percent of the $435.8 billion in premiums collected, according to the Insurance Information Institute, a trade group in New York.

That compares with a 64 percent payout ratio on $267.6 billion in premium revenue in 1996. As companies pay less to policyholders, their investment gains are growing, according to the trade group and research firm A.M. Best Co. in Oldwick, New Jersey.

`Purpose Evaporating’

The industry has increased profits by an annual average of 46 percent since 1994, Institute data show. In 2006, carriers invested $1.2 trillion and recorded a net gain of $52.3 billion, up from $713.5 billion invested for a gain of $39.1 billion in 1994.

Insurance companies are no longer following their mandate to take care of policyholders’ money and then pay it out when needed, says Douglas Heller, executive director of the nonprofit Foundation for Taxpayer and Consumer Rights in Santa Monica, California.

“The whole purpose of insurance is evaporating before our eyes as we continue to send checks to the companies,” Heller says. “Insurers are looking to shed their purpose as a risk bearer and become financial institutions.”

That kind of criticism is unwarranted, says Robert Hartwig, chief economist at the Insurance Information Institute. He says about 1 percent of policyholders contest what they’re offered.

`Justifiably Proud’

“The insurance industry can be justifiably proud of its performance,” Hartwig says. “It’s in the insurance industry’s best interests to settle claims as fairly and as rapidly as possible.”

Companies have sharpened the use of technology in the past 20 years to help tighten claims payouts.

Insurers following McKinsey’s advice on claims processing have adopted computer programs with names such as Colossus and Xactimate.

Colossus, made by El Segundo, California-based Computer Sciences Corp., calculates the cost of treating people injured in auto accidents, including the degree of pain and suffering they’ll endure and any permanent impairment they may have, according to Computer Sciences’ Web site.

Xactimate, made by Xactware Solutions Inc. of Orem, Utah, is a program that estimates the cost of rebuilding a home.

`Designed to Underpay’

Insurers sometimes manipulate these programs to pay out as little as possible, lawsuits have asserted. “Programs like Colossus are designed to systematically underpay policyholders without adequately examining the validity of each individual claim,” former Texas insurance commissioner Hunter told the U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation on April 11.

He also criticized Xactimate. “If you don’t accept their offer, which is a low ball, you end up in court,” Hunter said. “And that was the recommendation of McKinsey.”

Computer Sciences and Xactware declined to comment.

Farmers Group, a subsidiary of Zurich Financial Services AG, agreed in 2005 to stop using Colossus to evaluate claims filed by policyholders who have accidents with uninsured or underinsured drivers.

The move was part of a $40 million settlement in a class- action lawsuit in Pottawatomie County District Court in Oklahoma in which the plaintiffs claimed the company had repeatedly and wrongly failed to pay enough for crash injuries.

`A Toothy Grin’

An internal e-mail introduced in the Farmers lawsuit shows the company had pressured its adjusters, whom it calls claims representatives, or CRs, to pay out smaller amounts — and rewarded them when they did.

“As you know, we have been creeping up in settlements,” David Harding, a Farmers claims manager, wrote in an e-mail to employees on Nov. 20, 2001. “Our CRs must resist the temptation of paying more just to move this type file. Teach them to say, `Sorry, no more,’ with a toothy grin and mean it.”

Harding praised a worker for making low settlements. “It can be done as Darren consistently does,” he wrote. “If he keeps this up during 2002, we will pay him accordingly.”

Farmers said in court papers that it didn’t seek to pay less than customers were due. “The e-mail speaks for itself,” Farmers wrote. “Plaintiff’s characterization of it is denied.”

`More Efficient’

Edward Rust Jr., CEO of State Farm, testified in a 2006 civil case that his company revamped its claims handling through a project called ACE, or Advanced Claims Excellence. McKinsey suggested the use of ACE, according to evidence presented in the district court of Grady County, Oklahoma.

“Technology has allowed us to really streamline our claim organization to be more efficient and responsive,” Rust testified. He said the company wanted to cut expenses for claims.

In the Oklahoma case, Bridget and Donald Watkins, whose Grady County house was destroyed during a tornado in 1999, accused State Farm of misrepresenting the damage from the storm and won a $12.9 million judgment in May 2006. Watkins and State Farm agreed to an undisclosed settlement after the judgment.

Hunter, who also headed the federal flood insurance program under Presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter, told Congress that Allstate, with McKinsey’s guidance, gave the name Claim Core Process Redesign to its strategy to change payout practices.

As pervasive as computers have become in insurance, the key actor in settling claims is still the adjuster, the person who talks to policyholders and decides how much they should be paid.

`Told To Lie’

Allstate has asked adjusters to deceive customers, says Jo Ann Katzman, who worked as a claims adjuster for Allstate in 2002 and 2003. She says managers regularly came to her office in Farmington Hills, Michigan, to give pep talks on keeping claim payments down.

They awarded prizes such as portable refrigerators to adjusters who tried to deny claims by blaming fires on arson without justification, she says. “We were told to lie by our supervisors,” says Katzman, 49, who quit by taking a company buyout in 2003. “It’s tough to look at people and know you’re lying.”

Katzman says an adjuster at Allstate, on orders from a supervisor, told an 89-year-old Detroit fire victim that Allstate wouldn’t replace cabinets in her home even though the insurance policy said they were covered.

In another case, Katzman says Allstate wouldn’t replace a fire-damaged refrigerator — an appliance she says was covered. Katzman now runs Accurate Estimating Services, an independent adjusting company in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan.

Allstate’s Siemienas declined to comment on Katzman’s statements.

Punitive Damages

Insurers sometimes order employees to offer replacement cost settlements that have no connection to actual prices of home contents, according to testimony in a civil trial.

A jury in November 2005 awarded Larry Stone and Linda Della Pelle $5.2 million in punitive damages and $616,000 to construct a new house after finding that Fidelity National Insurance Co. of Jacksonville, Florida, had underpaid the couple by $183,000 when it offered them $433,000 to rebuild their two-story Claremont, California, residence.

During the trial in Los Angeles Superior Court, Ricardo Echeverria, the couple’s attorney, questioned Kenneth Drake, president of Canyon Country, California-based RJG Construction Inc., who had been hired by Fidelity’s lawyers to evaluate damage estimates.

`Do You Think That’s Fair?’

“Are you telling us that sometimes, because the insurance carriers dictate what amounts they are willing to allow for unit costs, estimators then have to comply with that?” asked Echeverria, according to the court transcript.

“That’s absolutely true,” Drake said.

“Do you think that’s fair?” Echeverria asked.

“Fair or not, it’s the name of our business,” Drake said.

Drake declined to comment on his testimony. Fidelity is appealing the award.

A New Hampshire case involving a home destroyed in a fire exposed another insurance company tactic: changing a policy retroactively.

In April 2003, the Rockingham county attorney in Kingston, New Hampshire, found that a unit of Hartford Financial Services Group Inc. had deleted the replacement cost portion of the homeowner’s policy of Terry Bennett after his five-bedroom house burned to the ground in 1993.

`Wrong End’

Bennett, a physician, sued Twin City Fire Insurance Co., claiming his home and its contents — including antiques and fine art — were worth $20 million, not the $1.7 million the insurer paid him. After an 11-year battle, he settled with Hartford in 2004 for an undisclosed amount.

“Fighting an insurance company is like staring down the wrong end of a cannon,” Bennett says.

An unprecedented number of people stared down that cannon after Hurricane Katrina. The August 2005 storm killed more than 1,600 people in Louisiana and Mississippi, left 500,000 people homeless and cost insurers $41.1 billion.

More than 1,000 homeowners sued their insurers in the wake of the storm — the largest-ever number of insurance lawsuits stemming from a U.S. natural disaster.

For insurers, the multibillion-dollar question regarding Katrina was how much of the destruction was caused by wind and how much by water. Property insurance policies don’t cover damage caused by flooding; homeowners have to purchase separate insurance administered by the U.S. government.

Altering Reports

The wind/water issue has spurred allegations that insurers manipulated the findings of adjusters and engineers.

Ken Overstreet, an engineer based in Diamondhead, Mississippi, who examined destroyed Gulf Coast residences, says someone altered his findings on the cause of the damage to at least four homes.

“We were working for insurance companies, and they wanted certain results,” says Overstreet, who has been a licensed civil engineer since 1981. “They wanted to get a desired outcome, and that’s what they did.”

Overstreet, who was working for Houston-based Rimkus Consulting Group Inc., prepared a report on the Gulfport, Mississippi, home of Hubert and Joyce Smith for Meritplan Insurance Co. The engineer found that both wind and water had damaged the house.

“The winds out of the east would have racked the entire structure to the west and simply lifted the footings up,” he wrote.

Rejected

Meritplan declined to pay anything to the Smiths, telling them that all of the damage was caused by water. The company sent the Smiths what it said was Overstreet’s engineering report.

“Due to the extent of the structural damage to the residence, the storm surge accounted for the damage,” the report they got said.

The Smiths called Overstreet and asked him to look at what Meritplan had sent them. Overstreet says he looked at both reports side by side and then told the couple that someone had changed his conclusion after his inspection.

“If they defrauded me, how many more did they defraud?” asks Hubert Smith, 88, a retired chiropractor. “There’s a lot of crap going on.”

Six lawsuits against Rimkus allege the company altered engineering reports. “Those allegations are absolutely false,” says Arch Currid, a Rimkus spokesman. “There’s no fact to those claims. We’re going to vigorously defend ourselves in court, and we’re confident we will prevail.”

Lawsuit Settled

Ed Essa, a spokesman for Calabasas, California-based Countrywide Financial Corp., the parent of Meritplan, says the company confidentially settled a lawsuit with the Smiths in March.

Another engineer involved in Katrina, Bob Kochan, CEO of Forensic Analysis & Engineering Corp., says State Farm asked him to redo his reports because the insurer disagreed with the engineers’ conclusions. Kochan sent an Oct. 17, 2005, e-mail to his staff saying State Farm executive Alexis “Lecky” King asked for the changes.

“Lecky told me that she is experiencing this same concern with other engineering companies,” Kochan wrote. “In her words, `They are all too emotionally involved and working too hard to find justifications to call it wind damage.”’

Kochan says he complied so State Farm didn’t cut its contract with his company. “They didn’t like our conclusions,” he says. “We agreed to re-evaluate each of our assignments.”

`Serious Concern’

Randy Down, an engineer at Raleigh, North Carolina-based Forensic, wrote this Oct. 18, 2005, e-mail response to Kochan: “I have a serious concern about the ethics of this whole matter. I really question the ethics of someone who wants to fire us simply because our conclusions don’t match theirs.”

The e-mails were made public in a civil case against State Farm in Jackson, Mississippi.

State Farm spokesman Phil Supple says Kochan’s e-mail comments are out of context. He says sometimes information in engineering reports doesn’t support the conclusions.

One State Farm policyholder in Mississippi was Senator Lott, who lost his home in Katrina. He sued State Farm for fraud in U.S. District Court in Jackson, after the insurer ruled that his home had been damaged by water and refused to pay him anything.

“It’s long overdue for this industry to be held accountable” Lott, 65, says. Lott and State Farm agreed to a confidential settlement in April.

Trent Lott’s Bill

Lott has introduced legislation to have insurers regulated by the federal government. That would supplant a patchwork system of regulation by states. Insurance has no body analogous to the SEC, which can refer cases to the Justice Department for criminal prosecution.

That doesn’t happen with insurers. The most that state insurance departments typically do is impose civil fines when companies mistreat customers. Such sanctions are weak and infrequent, says Hunter, the former Texas insurance commissioner.

Before Katrina, no state or federal prosecutor had ever investigated a nationally known property-casualty company for criminal mistreatment of policyholders. Mississippi Attorney General Jim Hood says a federal grand jury is probing insurance company claims handling after the hurricane.

There was no criminal investigation after State Farm offered just 15 percent of replacement costs to Michele and Tim Ray, whose house was wrecked by a tornado in April 2006. A contractor estimated the cost to rebuild the Hendersonville, Tennessee, home at $254,000.

Living Amid Ruins

State Farm made three inspections of the property, Ray says, and sent the Rays a check for $36,000, which the couple returned. A year after the twister, the couple remained in the damaged home, with their tattered roof covered by tarpaulins.

In April, after Bloomberg News submitted questions to State Farm about the Ray case, the company inspected the house again. This time, it gave the Rays $302,000.

“We decided to call it a total loss and agreed to pay the policy limits after deciding the damage was caused by the storm,” State Farm spokesman Shawn Johnson says.

State Farm won’t discuss what role McKinsey played in helping the insurer shape its approach toward customers. Similarly, no official at any insurer that hired McKinsey is willing to talk about the consulting firm.

`Doing What is Right’

Privately held McKinsey, which has 14,000 employees in 40 countries, has worked for many of the largest companies in the world, according to its Web site. “We take pride in doing what is right rather than what is right for the profitability of our firm,” Managing Director Ian Davis says in a quote posted on the site.

McKinsey pioneered the overhaul of the property-casualty industry at Allstate. The company hired McKinsey in 1992 after the insurer was spun off from what’s now Sears Holdings Corp. of Hoffman Estates, Illinois, says David Berardinelli, a Santa Fe, New Mexico, lawyer who won access to view the McKinsey documents for a limited time during a lawsuit involving an auto accident.

McKinsey advised the insurer to pay claims quickly at low amounts while delaying payments for as long as possible for those who wanted large settlements, Berardinelli says. “They’re capitalizing on the vulnerability of people” he says.

Berardinelli says McKinsey suggested that Allstate hold so- called town hall meetings with claims adjusters to urge them to pay less to customers.

Shannon Kmatz, a former Allstate claims adjuster, says she attended some of those sessions. She says managers told employees to keep claim payouts as low as possible.

Looking at Stock Price

“The leaders of those town hall meetings were always concerned that we were doing our part to help the stock price by keeping claims down,” says Kmatz, 34, who worked for Allstate for three years in New Mexico in the late 1990s and is now a police officer. “It was obvious from the get-go that all they were concerned about was the bottom line.”

Just once, at the May 2005 hearing in Lexington, Kentucky, the PowerPoint slides McKinsey prepared for Allstate were made public. William Hager and his wife, Geneva, who suffered neck and back injuries after the family’s car was rear-ended in a 1997 accident in Lexington, sued the insurer, claiming the company failed to cover her medical expenses.

The case is scheduled to go to trial in October.

One McKinsey slide prepared for Allstate was called “Zero- Sum Economic Game,” a videotape of the court hearing shows. The slide explains that there are winners and losers, and the insurance company can win by paying out small amounts.

`Finite Pool of Money’

“There is a finite pool of money,” Golden, the plaintiffs attorney, told the judge at the hearing. “Either it goes to the injured victim or it goes to Allstate’s pocket as surplus.”

Allstate’s attorney at the hearing, Mindy Barfield of Lexington, didn’t say anything about the McKinsey slides. She didn’t return phone calls seeking her comments.

Former federal flood insurance commissioner Hunter says the McKinsey approach exploits policyholders.

“McKinsey presented it as a zero-sum game in which the winners would be Allstate and the losers would be the claimants,” Hunter says. “I don’t think a claims system should be viewed in that light. It’s against any principles on how you should settle insurance claims. They should be settled on their merits.”

Allstate convinced the judge to seal the McKinsey slides before and after the Lexington hearing. The insurer has resisted attempts to make the consulting firm’s work public in courts across the U.S., arguing it contains trade secrets.

In 2004, the company was sanctioned by the Bartholomew Circuit Court in Indiana and fined $10,000 for refusing to turn over the records to attorney Richard Enyon, representing an auto accident victim. Allstate held on to the documents and appealed the punishment. The 7th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the sanction.

`Go To Court’

Allstate then appealed to the Indiana Supreme Court, which hasn’t yet made a decision.

Lawsuits in California, Florida and Texas have asserted that McKinsey’s work for Allstate helped the insurer cheat claimants. Records show that through the company’s Claim Core Process Redesign project, Allstate encouraged policyholders to accept small settlements on the spot.

The redesign also became a blueprint for fighting more claims in court as Allstate increased its legal staff, according to a 1997 company newsletter obtained by David Poore, a Petaluma, California, attorney who has represented homeowners in lawsuits against carriers.

“The bottom line is that Allstate is trying more cases than ever before,” the newsletter said. “If the offer is not accepted, Allstate will go to court, if necessary, to prove the evaluation process is sound.”

San Diego Fire

McKinsey-style tactics have spread to insurers large and small, as homeowners discovered after three wildfires ravaged Southern California in 2003, including the one that hit northern San Diego.

While Katrina struck thousands of low-income families in New Orleans, the San Diego fire affected mostly affluent homeowners, who fared no better with their insurance companies.

The fire obliterated large sections of Scripps Ranch, a community of 30,000 that sits atop a sagebrush and eucalyptus mesa, where homes can cost more than $1 million.

After flames swept through the area on winds of up to 50 miles per hour, residents say they expected their insurance companies to live up to coverage promises and pay the full cost to rebuild.

The Southern California fires led to 676 formal complaints to the state saying insurers offered payouts that fell far short of actual costs and delayed on paying claims.

No Inkling

One of the Scripps Ranch houses that went up in flames, a four-bedroom, gray-stucco home on a sloping cul-de-sac, belonged to J.P. Lapeyre, a division director at JDS Uniphase Corp., a Milpitas, California, maker of telecommunications equipment.

Lapeyre, 41, who is married and has two children, says he had no inkling as he viewed the remains of his house that his insurance would leave him $280,000 short of what he would need to rebuild.

Representatives of Pacific Specialty Insurance Co. of Menlo Park, California, told him the most the firm would pay out was $168,075, not even half of the estimated reconstruction cost of $448,000.

The Pacific Specialty representative told Lapeyre in November 2003 that the insurer would pay $75 a square foot (0.09 square meter) to rebuild his 2,241-square-foot house. “What frustration,” Lapeyre says. “I had to try to prove to them that it would cost $200 a square foot.”

That figure came separately from two builders, Norton Construction and TLC Contractors, both of San Diego.

Lapeyre’s Suit

In February 2005, Lapeyre filed suit in San Diego County Superior Court against his insurer and the independent broker who sold him the policy, alleging negligence, breach of contract and fraud for leading him to believe that he was properly covered.

After a fight of 19 months, Lapeyre dropped the suit when Pacific Specialty told a mediator assigned to the case it wouldn’t raise its offer, he says. “We decided it was time to get on with our lives and move forward,” says Lapeyre, who borrowed money to build a new house.

Karen and Bill Reimus, both lawyers, fought their carrier, Liberty Mutual Insurance Co., when it told them it wouldn’t pay the couple enough to rebuild their burned Scripps Ranch house.

Karen, 40, says an agent for Boston-based Liberty Mutual assured her and her husband when they bought their house four months before the 2003 fire that their insurance would replace the home if it were destroyed.

`A Low Ball’

In a December 2003 letter, two months after the fire, Liberty Mutual offered to pay $40,000 less than the limit of the couple’s policy, Karen says. In early 2004, San Diego-based Gafcon Construction Consultants determined the cost to rebuild was well above the limits of the couple’s policy.

The Reimuses began a phone and letter campaign to convince the company its offer was too low, Karen says. “It has now been almost seven months since the loss and we are still not agreed as to the numbers,” Karen wrote in a May 13, 2004, letter to Liberty Mutual.

Two weeks later, Liberty Mutual agreed to raise the couple’s limits by $100,000, Karen says. “This is clear evidence that the original estimate was a low ball,” she says.

Liberty Mutual spokesman Glenn Greenberg says the company won’t discuss the case because its dealings with policyholders are private.

“The system is set up to take advantage of people when they’re at their weakest,” Karen says. “We went to one of the most-expensive companies in the country because we wanted to be ready for a rainy day. We asked for coverage that would replace the house. We thought replacement meant replacement.”

Allstate Suit

Scripps Ranch couple Leslie Mukau and Robin Seaberg sued Allstate for alleged fraud and negligence for failing to pay the $900,000 that contractors estimate it would cost to replace their two-story home.

Allstate offered the Seabergs $311,000, according to the 2004 San Diego County Superior Court suit. Allstate says in court papers the couple hasn’t shown the company was negligent and asked for dismissal of the suit, which is pending.

The California Department of Insurance examined the practices of Allied Property & Casualty Insurance Co., AMCO Insurance Co. and Allstate in connection with the California fires.

It fined Allied and AMCO, both based in Des Moines, Iowa, a total of $20,000 for misleading nine policyholders into believing they were insured for full value. The regulators cited Allstate for six rule violations, including that it ignored complaints that it underinsured homeowners.

Fines `Too Small’

The state didn’t fine Allstate, which told the department it had done nothing wrong.

“Fines by state regulatory agencies have been far too small and infrequent to deter unfair business practices,” United Policyholders’ Bach says. “It’s clear that cheating by insurers is a big, profitable business and regulators can’t muster the will or political strength to stop them.”

Most homeowners take what insurers offer because they don’t realize they’re being deceived or conclude that fighting is too costly and difficult, Bach says.

“Virtually everyone who settles for what the insurer offers is taking less than they’re owed,” she says.

Homeowners across the U.S. have found themselves in the same situation. Kevin Hazlett, a lawyer, sued Farmers Group after an April 2006 tornado struck his home in O’Fallon, Illinois.

`Thin Air’

Farmers had offered to pay him $470,000 to rebuild the house. Royal Construction Inc., based in Collinsville, Illinois, estimated the cost at $1.1 million. Hazlett, 52, accepted a settlement for an undisclosed amount.

Hazlett says Illinois Farmers, a subsidiary of Farmers, used the Xactimate software program to first determine what it would pay out. “They’re just pulling numbers out of thin air,” he says. “There’s no rhyme or reason.” Farmers spokesman Jerry Davies didn’t respond to requests for an interview.

Bo Chessor, owner of Royal Construction, says he sees insurers refusing to pay coverage limits all the time. “Most people just roll over and take it because they don’t have the money to fight it,” Chessor says. “What the insurance companies are doing is purely robbery.”

It may be robbery, but it’s rarely a crime. State insurance departments don’t prosecute insurance companies, and the federal government has no oversight. The insurance industry wants to keep it that way.

Insurance Lobbying

To make their voice heard on federal regulation and other government decisions, insurers spent $98 million on lobbying in Washington in 2006, according to PoliticalMoneyLine, a unit of Congressional Quarterly. That’s the second-largest amount spent on lobbying by any group, behind $114.4 million by pharmaceutical companies.

Property-casualty companies do want something from the government: bailouts. Insurers beseech states and the federal government to foot more of the bill for rebuilding private homes after natural disasters.

Florida has a catastrophe fund that insures some homes to reduce payouts by carriers. The fund paid out about $8.45 billion for storm damage in 2004 and 2005, according to its annual report. The federal flood insurance program covers $800 billion of property nationally, which helped the industry increase profits by 25 percent in 2005, the year of Katrina.

Disaster Just the Beginning

Homeowners whose properties have been destroyed by catastrophes contend with low payouts, higher premiums, software programs that underestimate rebuilding costs and sudden changes in policy values — all of which have been calculated methods for insurers to increase profits.

Tunnell, the San Diego accounting teacher whose home burned to the ground, says she thought State Farm had adequately insured her family when they bought their three-bedroom house in 1992. She says the policy, destroyed in the fire, provided for “full replacement coverage.”

It guaranteed to rebuild the house, no matter the cost, she says. The company offered to pay $220,000 — which was $86,000 less than a $306,000 figure her family got from State Farm’s own estimator, Hersum Construction Inc. of San Diego, for rebuilding the 1,700-square-foot house.

State Farm spokesman Supple says the company sent letters in 1997 to the Tunnells and other policyholders saying that it would no longer offer full replacement coverage. “Policyholders, by regulatory order, were sent prominent notices of the coverage change at that time,” he says.

`This is Unthinkable’

Tunnell says she doesn’t recall being notified. She says her family debated hiring a lawyer and suing, and eventually decided the battle would be too stressful. The Tunnells took the $220,000 and borrowed money to build a new house.

“Why is this happening to people over and over again?” Tunnell asks. “State Farm keeps underinsuring people, and they get away with it. This is unthinkable.”

As long as insurers make the rules and control the game, Tunnell and homeowners across the U.S. won’t know whether their homes are fully insured, no matter what their policies say.

To contact the reporters on this story: David Dietz in San Francisco at ddietz1@bloomberg.net ; Darrell Preston in Dallas at dpreston@bloomberg.net .

Racketeering Alleged Against State Farm in Katrina Suit

Racketeering Alleged in Katrina Suit
By MICHAEL KUNZELMAN Associated Press Writer

NEW ORLEANS — State Farm Fire & Casualty Co. engaged in a “pattern of
racketeering” by manipulating engineering reports on Hurricane Katrina
damage so the company could deny policyholder claims, lawyers for a
group of Mississippi homeowners allege in a lawsuit filed Wednesday.

The federal suit against State Farm represents a new legal strategy for
attorney Richard “Dickie” Scruggs, who has played a prominent role in
challenging the insurance industry for its handling of Katrina claims.

Hundreds of homeowners in Mississippi and Louisiana have sued their
insurers for denying their claims after the Aug. 29, 2005, storm. The
suits typically accuse insurers of bad faith and breach of contract for
refusing to pay for damage from Katrina’s storm surge.

Wednesday’s lawsuit on behalf of Mississippi Gulf Coast homeowners is
the first in which Scruggs and his legal team accused an insurer of
violating the civil Racketeer Influenced Corrupt Organization Act,
commonly known as RICO.

Scruggs, who helped negotiate a multibillion dollar settlement with
tobacco companies in the mid-1990s, said he had filed similar civil
RICO suits against tobacco companies. They are tougher cases to build,
but can carry stiffer penalties, he added.

“The facts call out for this kind of remedy,” he said. “It puts their
license to do business at risk if they lose (the case), for one thing.”

Phil Supple, a spokesman for the Bloomington, Ill.-based State Farm,
said the lawsuit is nothing more than Scruggs’ “PR machine working
overtime.”

“This is a regurgitation of everything he has said for two years,”
Supple said. “We couldn’t find anything new here.”

Scruggs’ 103-page lawsuit claims State Farm engaged in racketeering by
procuring “scientifically dishonest” inspection reports and conducting
“sham re-inspections” of homes so that damage could be falsely
attributed to Katrina’s flood water.

State Farm and other insurers say their homeowner policies cover damage
from wind but not rising water, including storm surge.

The RICO Act is typically associated with criminal prosecutions of
organized crime figures. Randy Maniloff, a Philadelphia-based attorney
who has closely followed the wave of litigation spawned by Katrina,
said the civil RICO Act is rarely invoked in lawsuits over insurance
coverage.

“Nothing surprises me at this point,” Maniloff said of the frequent
legal twists in post-Katrina insurance cases. “Every day is something
new.”

Also named as defendants in Scruggs’ suit are Forensic Analysis &
Engineering Corp. of Raleigh, N.C., and E.A. Renfroe Co. Inc. of
Hoover, Ala. Forensic’s engineers inspected homes for State Farm, while
Renfroe helped the company adjust claims.

Scruggs accuses State Farm of pressuring its engineers to alter reports
on storm-damaged homes so that water, not wind, could be blamed for
damage.

Scruggs filed the lawsuit a day after State Farm asked a federal judge
to disqualify the Scruggs Katrina Group from representing a Biloxi
couple who sued the company for denying their claim.

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Brought to you by the HoustonChronicle.com

Leading Conservative Activist Seeks Punitive Damages

From American Constitution Society Blog:

June 8, 2007 11:00 AM Posted By News Questions & comments 19
Leading Conservative Activist Seeks Punitive Damages
Judge Robert Bork, one of the fathers of the modern judicial conservative movement whose nomination to the Supreme Court was rejected by the Senate, is seeking $1,000,000 in compensatory damages, plus punitive damages, after he slipped and fell at the Yale Club of New York City. Judge Bork was scheduled to give a speech at the club, but he fell when mounting the dais, and injured his head and left leg. He alleges that the Yale Club is liable for the $1m plus punitive damages because they “wantonly, willfully, and recklessly” failed to provide staging which he could climb safely.

Judge Bork has been a leading advocate of restricting plaintiffs’ ability to recover through tort law. In a 2002 article published in the Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy–the official journal of the Federalist Society–Bork argued that frivolous claims and excessive punitive damage awards have caused the Constitution to evolve into a document which would allow Congress to enact tort reforms that would have been unconstitutional at the framing:

State tort law today is different in kind from the state tort law known to the generation of the Framers. The present tort system poses dangers to interstate commerce not unlike those faced under the Articles of Confederation. Even if Congress would not, in 1789, have had the power to displace state tort law, the nature of the problem has changed so dramatically as to bring the problem within the scope of the power granted to Congress. Accordingly, proposals, such as placing limits or caps on punitive damages, or eliminating joint or strict liability, which may once have been clearly understood as beyond Congress’s power, may now be constitutionally appropriate.
Ted Frank, another leading proponent of tort reform, questions the merits of Judge Bork’s claims:

I sympathize with Judge Bork’s serious injuries, but it’s beyond me what his lawyers are thinking in asking for punitive damages. And if any danger is open and obvious such that there is an assumption of the risk, surely the absence of stairs to reach a lectern on a dais is—especially if the dais is of the “unreasonable” height that the complaint alleges it to be.
ACSBlog wishes Judge Bork a swift recovery from his injuries.

Jury Awards Man $5.7 Million for Undiagnosed Skin Cancer

MAY 23, 2007 | HEALTHCARE/HOSPITAL LAW

Jury Awards Man $5.7 Million for Undiagnosed Skin Cancer

By Alexa Hyland
Daily Journal Staff Writer

A bedridden San Diego man who claimed a doctor failed to diagnose his skin cancer has received the largest medical-malpractice award in the state this year.
A Superior Court jury delivered the $5.7 million verdict after a weeklong trial, agreeing with the plaintiff’s lawyer that cysts on the right shoulder of Regis M. Reilly, 53, metastasized into cancer after dermatologist James C. Powers failed to remove them. Reilly v. Powers, GIC861199 (San Diego Super. Ct., settled May 18, 2007).
Reilly’s attorney, N. Denise Asher of San Diego-based Strauss & Asher, said she was pleased by the size of the award because it represented a sum large enough to offset the trauma caused by the misdiagnosis.
“I wanted my clients to hear someone say that what they went through had real value,” Asher said. “And receive a lot of vindication.”
Asher said Reilly is confined to his home under around-the-clock medical care.
Under the Medical Injury Compensation Reform Act, the award will be reduced to $1.9 million. The 1975 state act requires the court to cut general damages to $250,000 in medical-malpractice cases.
In general damages, the jury awarded the plaintiff’s wife $3 million for loss of consortium, which medical-malpractice experts consider an usually high amount.
“Loss of consortium damages are often flighty, risky and small,” said Arlen Cohen of Pasadena-based Cohen & Rudd.
The consortium award will be cut to the MICRA limit.
In another general damage award, the jury allocated $1.6 million to Reilly for physical and mental pain and suffering. Under MICRA restrictions, the amount will be reduced to $500,000 because it represents awards for both previous and future losses.
In economic damages, the jury awarded Reilly $1.1 million for lost income and $34,000 for his past and future health care.
Traditionally, plaintiffs’ attorneys strategically highlight economic damages in a medical-malpractice case, because they are not reduced under MICRA, said Steve Goldberg of Goldberg & Gille in Woodland Hills.
The defense, led by Nancy Vaughan, a partner in Lewis Brisbois Bisgaard & Smith’s San Diego office, declined to comment.
Reilly, who has a personal and family history of skin cancer, claims Powers failed to take a biopsy of the cyst that would have revealed the cancer.
“When you see pictures of the cysts, they are football-sized and deep in the tissue,” Asher said.
Reilly went through a series of surgeries to remove the cancerous tissue.
His wife, Karen Reilly, served as his nurse during the multiple surgeries and radiation treatments, Asher said.
The verdict eclipsed a $556,900 jury award in an April medical-malpractice case that also involved a misdiagnosis claim. A Los Angeles man who incurred an infection after removal of genital warts received $556,900 following a Los Angeles Superior Court trial. Doe v. County of Los Angeles, TC018884 (L.A. Super. Ct., filed April 27, 2005).
The verdict also is larger than a $5.3 million settlement in a medical-malpractice case involving an infant who suffered severe brain damage after experiencing ruptured membranes. The case, filed in U.S. District Court for the Southern District, was brought on behalf of the baby by an active-duty marine stationed at Camp Pendleton. Rojas v. U.S., 05CV0937 (S.D. Cal., filed May 5, 2005).

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© 2007 Daily Journal Corporation. All rights reserved.

Auto insurer’s repair program crashes straight into criticism

By Penni Crabtree
UNION-TRIBUNE STAFF WRITER

May 20, 2007

The advertising for Progressive Insurance Co.’s Concierge program makes the prospect of a fender bender seem almost like a vacation.
A man lies back in a hammock, arms folded behind his neck, eyes closed, with a broad smile. “Announcing the only claims service that lets you relax while the insurance company does all the work,” Progressive’s brochure proclaims.

Earnie Grafton / U-T
Maria Vasquez Lopez says her car still had problems, such as a faulty back hatch, after she had it repaired through the Concierge program.
Yet some consumer advocates and auto repair industry trade groups find little to be relaxed about in the Ohio-based insurer’s collision repair service.

They maintain that the program – in which Progressive examines a customer’s damaged vehicle, writes the initial repair estimate and picks an auto repair shop out of the company’s small network of contract shops – undermines the state’s anti-steering laws.

In California, where more than 2 million repair jobs are done annually, it is illegal for an insurer to direct or recommend that a vehicle be repaired at a particular shop unless a customer requests a referral.

Auto repairs in the state amount to about $4 billion to $5 billion a year, according to the California Autobody Association.

Critics of Progressive’s Concierge program also say its focus on controlling costs can lead to cut corners.

AT ISSUE: AUTO REPAIRS
Progressive Insurance, California’s eighth-largest auto insurer, has begun offering a one-stop auto repair program for clients involved in a collision. Under the program, dubbed Concierge, Progressive examines a customer’s damaged vehicle, writes the initial repair estimate and picks an auto repair shop to do the work.

Proponents: The program provides a fast and convenient auto repair service for Progressive’s clients. They can opt to use the Concierge service, or they can make their own repair arrangements.

Opponents: The program undermines state anti-steering laws related to insurance companies and auto repair shops. It could serve to control the insurer’s claim costs at the expense of consumers and auto repair shops.

Rosemary Shahan, president of the Sacramento-based Consumers for Auto Reliability and Safety, a nonprofit consumer advocacy group, said the Concierge program is “fraught with peril” because Progressive has undue control over the auto repair process.

“California outlawed steering, but this is like steering on steroids,” said Shahan. “It’s ‘Welcome to my parlor, said the spider to the fly.’ The consumer is taken out of the repair-process loop, and that opens them to some real problems, including cut-rate repairs.”

One auto repair trade group, the Collision Repair Association of California, has filed a court action that challenges the legal status of the Concierge service center in San Diego, the only site in California where the program is currently offered.

Progressive officials counter that their program, which is intended to be rolled out statewide, is legal and consumer-friendly. Progressive, the nation’s third-largest auto insurer, operates 55 Concierge centers in 25 states.

Stann Rose, state claims manager for Progressive, said the program’s focus is to retain customer loyalty by providing insured clients with a fast and convenient service. Progressive is the eighth-largest auto insurer in California.

Under the California program, a Progressive client involved in a collision, or a car owner whose vehicle is hit by a Progressive client, can choose to drop off the damaged car at Progressive’s Concierge facility on Ruffin Road in Kearny Mesa and leave the repair process to the insurance company.

The Concierge facility performs the initial inspection, writes an estimate and farms the work out to a contracted repair shop in its network. The repair shop picks up the car at the Progressive facility, and has an opportunity to go over the estimate and argue for repair changes and additions.

During a three-way telephone call among the insurer, the repair shop and the car owner, the repair shop’s representative goes over the estimate with the owner and gets approval for the repairs.

After the repairs are completed, the repair shop delivers the car to Progressive, where the insurer conducts an inspection before contacting the customer to pick up the vehicle.

Rose said the Concierge process is “transparent” and that there is no pressure on customers to use it. About 15 percent of Progressive customers in San Diego who had damage to their vehicles chose to use the Concierge service in the past year.

“If the customer tells us they have a shop of their own, we don’t offer them any other choice – they’ve made their decision,” said Rose. “In areas served by our service centers, we let them know they qualify for our Concierge service. If they say they want to hear more about Concierge, we tell them. If they say they’re not interested in Concierge, we explain their choice of using their own body shop.

“The idea that somehow this thing is designed around how to cheat the consumer is absurd,” Rose said.

Allen Wood, executive director of the Collision Repair Association, said the Concierge program is aimed at reducing Progressive’s claim costs at the expense of auto repair shops and consumers.

The group maintains that the Concierge facility is a de facto auto repair shop operating outside state law. In October, the association filed a legal action against the California Bureau of Automotive Repair, which regulates auto repair shops in the state, alleging the bureau was failing to enforce laws that require such shops to register and comply with licensing and regulatory procedures.

The Collision Repair Association maintains that Progressive does “tear-down” work on damaged vehicles to come up with its repair estimates. Not registering its San Diego facility with the state bureau gives it an unfair business advantage over regulated auto repair shops, Wood said.

Progressive’s Rose said the facility does not do full tear-downs and so should not be governed by bureau regulations. He acknowledged that the facility removes parts, such as bumpers, to determine vehicle damage, but said the work does not qualify as a tear-down.

Wood said Progressive does not want to register with the bureau because it would have to comply with state laws regulating the auto repair industry – including shouldering certain liabilities for shoddy repair work.

“They are trying to pass all the liability onto the repair shops they contract with, but Progressive controls the transaction by controlling the costs of repairs,” Wood said. “There is a facade of helping the consumer, but in fact, it is all about getting the cars fixed as cheap as they can, and in some cases ignoring repairs that need to be done.”

Cease-and-desist order
The insurance industry’s influence in Sacramento is noted by critics who have watched Progressive’s effort to introduce the Concierge program in California.
One veteran insurance lobbyist, Dan Dunmoyer, is now the governor’s deputy chief of staff. Dunmoyer used to represent the Personal Insurance Federation, which represents Progressive, State Farm and other insurers; those companies have donated more than $200,000 to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s campaign accounts.

In 2005, Progressive and the Personal Insurance Federation backed a failed bill that attempted to remove a provision in California law that prevents insurance companies from acting on behalf of a vehicle owner to arrange for the repair of a car.

The bill, sponsored by then-Assemblyman Ron Calderon, a Democrat from Montebello who now serves in the state Senate, would have allowed a slightly different version of Progressive’s Concierge program in California. Among the differences, consumers would have had no communication with the repair shops used by Progressive.

Although that bill failed, Progressive opened a modified version of its Concierge program in San Diego in April 2006, despite warnings from the Bureau of Automotive Repairs at the time that the insurer would likely have to register the facility as an auto repair shop.

The bureau, then under the leadership of Richard Ross, inspected the facility last May and, in August, issued a cease-and-desist order barring Progressive from operating the facility until it registered. Ross resigned that month to accept a position at the California Gambling Control Commission.

Progressive attorneys and lobbyists disputed the bureau’s findings, and informal meetings were held between the bureau and Progressive representatives.

Meanwhile, in October, the Collision Repair Association filed its legal action to get the bureau to enforce the cease-and-desist order.

The same month, Schwarzenegger announced the appointment of a new bureau chief, Sherry Mehl, a former chief deputy director for the Department of Consumer Affairs. On Dec. 6, the bureau rescinded the cease-and-desist order.

Russ Heimerich, a spokesman for the California Department of Consumer Affairs, which oversees the bureau, said the bureau had presumed tear-down activities were taking place when the cease-and-desist letter was issued. The bureau subsequently determined that tear-downs were not occurring at the facility and rescinded the letter, he said.

Progressive’s Rose said allegations that politics played a part in the bureau’s actions are unfounded.

“It is easy to make accusations, but I don’t think they are fair, and I don’t think they are accurate,” said Rose. “This isn’t some political deal.”

Customer comments
Rose said that 3,500 cars have been serviced through the San Diego Concierge program since it opened last year, and customer surveys indicate a high level of satisfaction with the process.
Angelic Luna of North Park said she appreciated the speedy, no-hassle service she received through the Concierge service when her Progressive-insured car was hit by another vehicle in March.

“They told me about the program and how it works, indicated they’d be able to work within the time range I needed, have a rental vehicle for me, and that it would be a fast in-and-out process,” said Luna, 23, who agreed at Progressive’s request to talk to The San Diego Union-Tribune. “Literally, all I had to do was sign a paper and pick up the rental.”

Luna said the damage estimate on her 1999 Nissan Sentra was $1,700, which included replacement of the driver-side door.

“They kept the original window but replaced everything else,” Luna said. “They actually vacuumed the car, so that was nice as well.”

Advertisement Yet critics say programs like Concierge can create incentives to cut corners. For example, an insurer might stop giving business to contracted repair shops that dispute the initial cost estimate, or that deem extra work necessary after repairs are under way, critics said.
Maria Vasquez Lopez, a San Diego woman who initially had her Chevrolet TrailBlazer repaired through the Concierge program in November, said she believes corners were cut when her vehicle was worked on. She filed a complaint with the Bureau of Auto Repair.

Vasquez, whose vehicle was hit by a driver insured by Progressive, said she agreed to have her car towed from a repair shop that wasn’t part of the Concierge network to a Progressive-affiliated shop after a Progressive claims representative told her the company would guarantee repairs done only within its network.

Rose said Progressive “cannot stand behind work done by shops with which we are unfamiliar.”

When Vasquez and her husband, Ricardo Lopez, went to pick up the repaired car, they immediately noticed several problems, including a back hatch that didn’t close properly.

The couple asked that the repairs be made again and, a few days later, went back for the re-repaired vehicle. But the hatch still didn’t close properly and more problems were identified, including scratches on the window and mismatching paint on the bumper, Vasquez said.

In frustration, Vasquez took the car to an auto body shop that wasn’t affiliated with Progressive and paid for a new inspection. The shop found that some repairs that had been charged weren’t done or were done in a substandard manner, according to Vasquez.

Ultimately, Progressive agreed to pay an additional $9,700 to restore the SUV to its preaccident condition, Vasquez said.

“I remember telling Progressive at the time that I was having to fight for a right that was mine – to have my vehicle fixed,” Vasquez said. “And it was being taken away by them.”

Shawn Fergus, a spokesman for Progressive, said that in Vasquez’s case, “our estimate wasn’t as accurate as it should have been.” Additionally, the shop doing the repairs “didn’t identify the additional damage that should have been discovered once the repair process was under way,” he said.

“These circumstances led to the incomplete and poor-quality work that was originally done on Ms. Vasquez’s vehicle,” Fergus said. “Based on our customer satisfaction numbers, this is clearly not indicative of the quality of the estimates we write or the work of the shops with which we do business.”

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Penni Crabtree: (619) 293-1237; penni.crabtree@uniontrib.com

Phony Charities in Times of Tragedy

Consumer Alert:

Phony Charities
in Times of Tragedy

Please read then forward to your friends and co-workers so they may be informed too.

Whether they are man-made or natural, tragedies often kindle the desire to help victims. After all, Americans have a tradition of giving during times of disaster. However, the Better Business Bureau advises that when you give, give wisely.

Use your head as well as your heart when making a contribution to relief charity. Be wary of appeals that dwell on the tragedy but do not specify how donations will be used. Request literature and call the BBB with any questions.

Some legitimate charities use professional fund-raisers who keep most of the money, and very little money actually winds-up in the hands of the charity. Then, there are outright scams. The phony charities are as regular as clockwork. Within days of any disaster, some people will attempt to take advantage of Americans’ eagerness to assist victims of any tragedy.

Consumers are encouraged to ask lots of questions, ask for referrals, get something in writing and don’t feel pressure to give on the spot. Beware of appeals that bring tears to the eyes but tell you nothing about the charity of what they’re doing about the problems they describe so well.

In the aftermath of the recent horrific shootings at Virginia Tech, the Better Business Bureau is issuing a caution to consumers and businesses to be thoughtful and prudent before contributing to a charity or outreach connected with the tragedy.

These are emotional times, everybody wants to help, but don’t be rushed into making a contribution, advises the BBB. Many well-meaning folks will be establishing charitable organizations to help with the victims or their families. Unfortunately, many of these well-meaning charities are unsophisticated and not really capable of handling significant sums of money.

Even more unfortunately, some charitable solicitations are at best deceitful and, at worst, just plain crooked.

The BBB recommends:

Be wary of appeals that are long on emotion, but short on describing what the charity will do to address the needs of victims and their families.
If you contribute, do not give cash. Make a check or money order out to the name of the charitable organization, not to the individual collecting the donation.
Watch out for excessive pressure for on-the-spot donations. Be wary of any request to send a “runner” to pick up your contribution.
Do not give your credit card number or other personal information to a telephone solicitor. Ask the caller to provide you with written information on the charity’s programs and finances.
Do not hesitate to ask for written information that describes the charity’s program(s) and finances such as the charity’s latest annual report and financial statements. Even newly created organizations should have some basic information available.
Be wary of charities that are reluctant to answer reasonable questions about their operations, finances and programs. Ask how much of your gift will be used for the activity mentioned in the appeal and how much will go toward other programs and administrative and fund raising costs.
Remember the opportunities to give will continue. The tragedy aftermath will not disappear when the headlines do.
If you have questions, contact the BBB charity information service at www.give.org.

Please visit www.sd.bbb.org for additional warnings, tips, and scam alerts.

Ralph Nader to Speak Friday at USD School of Law

Presented by the University of San Diego School of Law and the Public Interest Law Foundation

Friday, April 27, 2007, at 6:00 p.m.
Mr. and Mrs. Douglas F. Manchester Auditorium,
Manchester Executive Conference Center,
University of San Diego

Reception and book signing for Nader’s book, The Seventeen Traditions, immediately following in the lobby of the Manchester Executive Conference Center

The event will also be broadcast live on USD TV on channel 3

About Ralph Nader
Honored by Time magazine as one of the 100 Most Influential Americans of the Twentieth Century, consumer advocate and presidential candidate, Ralph Nader, has devoted his life to giving ordinary people the tools they need to defend themselves against corporate negligence and government indifference. With a tireless, selfless dedication, he continues to expose and remedy the dangers that threaten a free and safe society. In 1965, Nader took on the Goliath of the auto industry with his book, Unsafe at Any Speed, a shocking exposé of the disregard carmakers held for the safety of their customers. The Senate hearing into Nader’s accusations and the life-saving motor vehicle safety laws that resulted, catapulted Nader into the public sphere.

Nader quickly built on the momentum of that success. Working with lawmakers, he was instrumental in creating the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the Consumer Product Safety Commission. Laws he helped draft and pass include the Safe Drinking Water Act, the Meat and Poultry Inspection Rules, the Air and Water Pollution Control Laws and the Freedom of Information Act. Working to empower the average American, Nader has formed numerous citizen groups, including the Center for Auto Safety, Public Citizen, the Pension Rights Center, the National Coalition for Universities in the Public Interest and the student Public Interest Research Groups (PIRGs) that operate in more than twenty states.

Nader organized the Green Party’s first presidential campaign in 1996, and then ran for president again in 2000 and 2004. In his latest citizen initiative, he is working with alumni classes, including his own at Princeton University and Harvard Law School, to expand their efforts beyond parties and reunions to community projects that systemically advance social justice. He also lectures on the growing “imperialism” of multinational corporations and of a dangerous convergence of corporate and government power.

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Auto insurers play hardball in minor-crash claims

Story Highlights• State Farm, Allstate employ consultant’s strategy, CNN research finds
• Theme of strategy is “deny, delay, defend,” former employee says
• Companies convince juries that claims are fraudulent
• Insurers, institute deny treating claimants unfairly

By Drew Griffin and Kathleen Johnston
CNN

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ATLANTA, Georgia (CNN) — If you are injured in a minor car crash, chances are good that you will be in the fight of your life to get the insurance company to pay all the medical costs you incur — even if the accident was no fault of your own.

That’s what CNN discovered in an 18-month investigation into minor-impact soft-tissue injury crashes around the country. Those are accidents in which there is little damage to the vehicle and the injuries to people are not easy to see by the naked eye or conventional medical tools like X-rays.

Since the mid-1990s, most of the major insurance companies — led by the two largest, Allstate and State Farm — have adopted a tough take-it-or-leave-it strategy when dealing with such cases.

The result has been billions in profits for insurance companies and little, if anything, for the public, according to University of Nevada insurance law professor Jeff Stempel.

“We can see that policyholders individually are getting hurt by being dragged through the court on fender-bender claims, and yet we don’t see any collateral benefit in the form of reduced premiums even for the other policyholders,” Stempel said.

“So I think now we can say to continue this kind of program is in my view institutionalized bad faith.”

If you have never heard of the strategy, it’s because insurance companies don’t want you to know that they are paying out less and less for minor crashes even while their profits soar and your premiums continue to rise.

But after a review of more than 6,000 company documents and court records, interviews with a dozen people nationwide, including former company insiders, and conversations with accident victims, the picture is clear: If you challenge the offer by some insurance companies you will be left with no option but to go to court, where you will be dragged through the wringer.

Expensive, time-consuming
In an affidavit in a New Mexico case where Allstate is being sued, one of the company’s former attorneys said the strategy is to make fighting the company “so expensive and so time-consuming that lawyers would start refusing to help clients.”

Shannon Kmatz, a police officer and former Allstate claims agent, said company employees were encouraged to get rid of claims quickly and cheaply and even offered accident victims as little as $50, telling them to take it or leave it.

Both Roxanne Martinez of Santa Fe, New Mexico, and Ann Taylor of West Lafayette, Indiana, saw the practice firsthand.

Martinez suffered neck and back injuries when she was sideswiped by a driver insured by Allstate.

After three years, the company finally offered her $15,000 — a little more than half of what she needed for lost wages and medical bills.

She went to court, and four years after the accident a jury awarded her $167,000 plus interest.

“It’s kind of hard when you are thinking they are going to leave you broke. … That was very stressful,” she said.

Taylor was not as fortunate when her case went to trial.

The Indiana nurse was rear-ended by a State Farm employee driving a State Farm car. Damage to her car was minimal but she suffered herniated disc and muscle tears.

Taylor racked up medical bills and lost wages amounting to about $15,000. The company offered her $2,000.

“I was just very insulted,” she said.

She sued, but three years later a jury came back with a judgment for her of only $1,500.

The jury didn’t believe she could be hurt in an accident in which the vehicle had barely a dent.

Three jurors told CNN photos of the two cars involved in the accident — enlarged and prominently displayed by the defense — played a huge role in their decision.

And one said they assumed Taylor had already been compensated by the insurance company and was just trying to get more money.

Profitable strategy
The cases, CNN found, illustrate a carefully developed strategy to make the victims look like they are trying to defraud the insurers.

But documents CNN obtained indicate profit, not fraud, is the reason companies decided to play hardball in small accidents.

For Allstate and State Farm, according to documents obtained by CNN, the strategy was developed in the mid-1990s with the assistance of consulting giant McKinsey & Co.

Looking for a way to boost profits, McKinsey focused on soft-tissue injuries incurred in minor crashes.

While the McKinsey documents — numbered in the thousands — are under seal in courts around the country, CNN saw several of them during a court hearing in Lexington, Kentucky.

Playing off Allstate’s signature slogan, one document recommends the insurer put boxing gloves on its “good hands” for those who insist on going to court.

The strategy, according to former Allstate and State Farm employee Jim Mathis, relies on the three D’s — denying a claim, delaying settlement of the claim and defending against the claim in court.

“The profits are good, and as long as the community, the public allows this to occur, the insurance companies will get richer and people … will not get a fair and reasonable settlement,” Mathis said.

Both Allstate and State Farm declined requests for interviews.

In an e-mail, Allstate wrote it did not believe it would “have any real opportunity of being successful in getting you (CNN) to do a balanced report.”

State Farm wrote: “We take customer service seriously and seek to pay what we owe, promptly, courteously and efficiently, and we handle each claim on its own merits.”

The company also said, “Any attempt to generalize that State Farm adopted consultant recommendations as other insurers is just plain wrong.”

A company spokesman sent an additional e-mail, saying that the company did work with McKinsey to improve claims handling but State Farm stopped using the McKinsey program in 1999.

Robert Hartwig, president of the Insurance Information Institute, told CNN insurers do not have a strategy of blanket denial of claims. He also said strategies to limit expenditures on minor-impact crashes are needed to fight fraud.

Hartwig specifically singled out lawyers who he claims make a living on car accident victims, saying those lawyers are upset because “the gravy train is over.”

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